Introduction
Welcome to the first lesson of our third module, "The Social Contract and Rawlsian Justice." In our last lesson, we concluded our exploration of natural law by analyzing its most provocative claim: lex iniusta non est lex (an unjust law is not a law). We saw how this principle justifies disobedience to a state that fundamentally violates moral law.
Today, we take a step back to ask an even more foundational question, famously posed by the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes: Why should we have a state at all? What is the alternative? This lesson addresses the learning outcome: Analyze Hobbes's state of nature as a collective action problem and the social contract as an equilibrium solution.
We will dissect Hobbes's chilling thought experiment of a "state of nature"—a condition without government—and explore his argument for why it inevitably descends into a "war of all against all." Given your background in economics and multi-agent systems, you will find the structure of his argument particularly interesting. We will treat it as a formal problem of strategic interaction, using the language of game theory to understand why rational individuals, acting in their own self-interest, produce a collectively disastrous outcome. Finally, we'll see how Hobbes's social contract is designed as a rational, equilibrium solution to this very problem.
1. Hobbes's Thought Experiment: The State of Nature
Thomas Hobbes wrote his masterpiece, Leviathan, in 1651, in the shadow of the English Civil War. This experience of societal collapse profoundly shaped his political philosophy. He wasn't describing a historical period but conducting a logical exercise: what would life be like if you stripped away all political authority?
To begin, let's watch an overview of Hobbes's argument, his historical context, and his description of the "natural condition of mankind."
Thomas Hobbes and the State of Nature
This lecture from Emory University, 'Thomas Hobbes and the State of Nature', provides a detailed academic introduction to Hobbes's project in Leviathan. It outlines his core argument for why the state of nature is a state of misery.
Starting 18 and a half minutes in, please watch Hobbes's description of the state of nature and the three principal causes of conflict that drive individuals into a 'war of all against all'.
As the video details, Hobbes builds his argument on a few core premises about human nature and the world:
- Rough Equality of Ability: No one is so strong or smart as to be invulnerable to attack from others, especially from conspiracies. This equality is the bedrock of the problem.
- Equality of Hope: From equal ability arises an equal hope of attaining our ends.
- Causes of Quarrel: When individuals' desires conflict, three principal passions drive them to "endeavour to destroy, or subdue one another":
- Competition: For limited resources ("Gain").
- Diffidence: Mutual fear and lack of trust, leading to pre-emptive strikes for "Safety". Since you can't trust others not to attack you, the most rational defense is to attack first.
- Glory: For reputation and status, as being undervalued is a sign of weakness and invites predation.
The inescapable result is a "war of every man against every man." This is not necessarily constant fighting, but a constant readiness to fight, where there is no assurance of peace. In such a condition, the higher fruits of civilization—industry, agriculture, arts, sciences—are impossible. This leads to Hobbes's most famous line describing human life in this state: "solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short."
2. A Game-Theoretic Analysis of the State of Nature
Hobbes's account of diffidence, where individually rational acts of pre-emption lead to a collectively irrational state of war, is a classic collective action problem. Political philosophers and economists have found it fruitful to model this interaction using game theory.
The most common starting point is the Prisoner's Dilemma (PD). In a simplified two-player scenario, each person can choose to "Attack" (defect) or "Be Peaceful" (cooperate). The preference ordering for a PD game is:
- You Attack, they are Peaceful (Best outcome: DC)
- Both are Peaceful (Second best: CC)
- Both Attack (Third best: DD)
- You are Peaceful, they Attack (Worst outcome: CD)
In this setup, "Attack" is the dominant strategy. No matter what the other player does, you are better off attacking. The inevitable result is mutual attack (DD), a pareto-inferior outcome where both are worse off than if they had managed to cooperate (CC).
However, this simple PD model doesn't capture the full texture of Hobbes's argument. For a more sophisticated analysis, we can turn to contemporary scholarship that refines this model.
Daniel Eggers, Hobbes and game theory revisited
The paper 'Hobbes and game theory revisited' by Daniel Eggers provides a precise breakdown of the strategic situation. It critiques the simple Prisoner's Dilemma model and introduces more nuanced games that better reflect Hobbes's text.
Please read Chapter 3, 'The derivation of the ‘state of war’ in the English Leviathan' (starts on page 7, detailing the derivation argument), and Chapter 4, 'The prisoner’s dilemma, the assurance game and the assurance dilemma' (starts on page 15, reviewing the three models). Focus on how the introduction of different types of individuals ('moderates' and 'dominators') requires different game models (specifically, note the distinction's impact on the game matrix).
This reading introduces a crucial distinction and a richer set of models:
- Moderates vs. Dominators: Hobbes distinguishes between individuals who would "be glad to be at ease within modest bounds" (moderates) and those who take "pleasure in contemplating their own power" (dominators). They have different preference orderings.
- The Assurance Game (AG): This game better models the interaction between two moderates. A moderate prefers mutual peace (CC) to unilateral aggression (DC). Their dilemma is one of assurance: they will cooperate, but only if they are sure the other will too. Given the "diffidence" of the state of nature, they may rationally attack based on a maximin strategy (choosing the action that has the best worst-case outcome) to avoid being the lone cooperator (the "sucker" payoff).
- The Assurance Dilemma (AD): This models an interaction between a moderate and a dominator. The dominator has PD preferences (always prefers to attack), while the moderate has AG preferences. In this asymmetric game, the dominator's best strategy is always to attack. Knowing this, the moderate's only rational response is also to attack.
The key insight here is that the state of nature isn't one single game. It's a complex environment of different interactions. The mere presence of dominators, and the uncertainty about who is a dominator, forces even the moderates into a defensive, pre-emptive posture. War becomes the rational strategy for everyone.
3. The Roots of Conflict: Scarcity and Glory
The game models show how diffidence leads to war, but what drives the initial conflict? Eggers points to competition over vital goods, which he argues can be understood as a zero-sum game. When two individuals need the same indivisible piece of food to survive, their interaction isn't a PD; one's survival is the other's death. The option of mutual cooperation (sharing) is not available. This brutal reality of scarce survival goods creates the background fear that fuels the logic of diffidence.
Another paper adds a crucial psychological layer, arguing that the passion of glory fundamentally transforms the strategic situation.
THE EXPLANATION OF CONFLICT IN HOBBES'S ...
In 'The Explanation of Conflict in Hobbes's Leviathan', Pärtel Piirimäe argues that Hobbes's concept of glory—the desire for reputation and to be valued by others—is key to understanding why cooperation fails. This provides another powerful reason for the inevitability of conflict.
Please read Chapter 4, 'Assurance game with glory' (starts on page 16). Just below the heading, read the game model. This is the core of the paper's argument. Focus on how introducing 'eminence' (relative payoff) into a player's utility function can transform an Assurance Game into a Prisoner's Dilemma.
Piirimäe's argument is elegant. He suggests that for a rational person who values peace (a "non-Foole" in Hobbes's terms), the situation should be an Assurance Game. However, the desire for glory means that individuals don't just care about their absolute payoff; they also care about their relative payoff, or "eminence."
When you factor this desire for eminence into the utility calculation, the preference ordering changes. The outcome of peaceful cooperation (CC), where both players get an equal payoff, might become less attractive than the outcome of successful defection (DC), where you not only get the resource but also gain status. This psychological mechanism can single-handedly transform an Assurance Game into a Prisoner's Dilemma, making defection (attack) the dominant strategy even for those who might otherwise prefer peace.
In sum, the Hobbesian state of war is over-determined. It is driven by:
- Structural Scarcity: Zero-sum competition for vital goods.
- Strategic Uncertainty: The presence of "dominators" forces "moderates" to act pre-emptively (the AG/AD dynamic).
- Psychological Motivation: The desire for "glory" alters payoffs, making non-cooperation more attractive (transforming AG to PD).
4. The Solution: The Social Contract and the Leviathan
Having established that the state of nature is an inescapable trap—a stable but terrible equilibrium—Hobbes presents his solution: the social contract.
Thomas Hobbes and the State of Nature
Let's return to the Emory University lecture to see how Hobbes constructs a way out of the state of war.
Starting about 32 and a half minutes in, please watch the section on Hobbes's core concepts. This part explains his concept of the 'right of nature' (the right to self-preservation) and how fear of death motivates rational individuals to forge a social contract, creating a sovereign.
The way out is an act of collective rational choice. The same fear of death that drives pre-emptive violence also provides the motivation to seek peace. Individuals recognize that the "war of all against all" is the worst possible outcome. They therefore agree to a contract with one another to escape it.
The contract consists of each person agreeing to give up their "right to all things" (their natural liberty to do whatever they deem necessary for their survival) on the condition that everyone else does the same. They transfer this right to a single, all-powerful sovereign—the "Leviathan."
In game-theoretic terms, the creation of the sovereign is a mechanism to change the game's payoffs. The sovereign's function is to be a coercive power that can "keep them all in awe." By establishing laws and punishing transgressors, the sovereign makes the cost of defection (attacking, stealing, breaking contracts) prohibitively high. Cooperation (obeying the law) now becomes the individually rational strategy, not out of altruism, but out of self-interested fear of punishment.
The sovereign thus moves society from the pareto-inferior equilibrium of the state of nature (DD: war) to a pareto-superior equilibrium of civil society (CC: peace), where industry, trade, and the arts can flourish. This is the equilibrium solution to the collective action problem.
Test your understanding!
In the state of nature, Hobbes claims there is "no Injustice." But once the sovereign is created, justice comes into being. In the game-theoretic framework we've discussed, what constitutes an "unjust" act in Hobbesian civil society, and why is it now considered irrational in a way it wasn't before?
Show answer
In Hobbesian civil society, an "unjust" act is simply the breaking of a valid covenant (or law) made under the sovereign.
Before the sovereign, in the state of nature, breaking a promise wasn't necessarily irrational. If you were in an Assurance Game situation and feared the other party would defect, your own defection was a rational (maximin) strategy. There was no overarching power to enforce the deal, so "covenants, without the sword, are but words."
After the sovereign is created, the payoff matrix is fundamentally altered. The sovereign guarantees that the other party will be forced to cooperate, removing the "assurance problem." More importantly, the sovereign introduces a high cost (punishment) for defection. Therefore, breaking a covenant is no longer a rational calculation to avoid being a sucker; it's a direct route to a worse outcome (imprisonment, fine, or death). Justice, for Hobbes, is simply keeping your agreements, and it becomes the consistently rational choice only when a power exists that is strong enough to make breaking them irrational.
Conclusion
Today, we have deconstructed Thomas Hobbes's powerful argument for the necessity of the state. By viewing the state of nature through the lens of modern strategic analysis, we can appreciate the rigor of his logic.
Key Takeaways:
- Hobbes's "state of nature" is a thought experiment that models a world without political authority, which he argues is a "war of all against all."
- This state of war can be analyzed as a collective action problem. While a simple Prisoner's Dilemma is a useful starting point, a more accurate model involves a mix of games (Assurance Game, Assurance Dilemma, Zero-Sum Games) reflecting the different motivations and situations of the actors.
- The conflict is driven by a combination of structural competition, strategic diffidence, and the psychological desire for glory, which makes non-cooperation the dominant rational strategy for individuals.
- The social contract is the equilibrium solution. By creating an all-powerful sovereign to enforce covenants, rational individuals change the payoffs of the game, making cooperation (obedience to law) the new self-interested equilibrium and enabling a peaceful, productive society.
Preview of the next lesson:
Hobbes's solution is a stark one: absolute submission to a sovereign in exchange for security. Is this the only way? In our next lesson, we will turn to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who offers a very different picture of the state of nature and proposes a social contract based not on fear, but on the radical concept of the "general will" as the foundation for collective sovereignty and true liberty.